Crime Statistics > Forcible rape (most recent) by state
|Definition Source Printable version|
Showing latest available data.
|# 8||New York:||3,169|
|# 10||North Carolina:||2,495|
|# 18||South Carolina:||1,762|
|# 27||New Jersey:||1,237|
|# 31||New Mexico:||1,094|
|# 41||West Virginia:||389|
|# 43||New Hampshire:||344|
|# 45||South Dakota:||336|
|# 46||Rhode Island:||285|
|# 48||North Dakota:||193|
|# 49||District of Columbia:||185|
U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2012
Table 314. Forcible Rape—Number and Rate: 1990 to 2009
[For year ending December 31. Forcible rape, as defined in the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, is the carnal
knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will. Attempts or assaults to commit rape by force or threat of force are also included; however, statutory rape (without force) and other sex offenses are excluded]
By force. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Attempt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Per 100,000 population. . . . .
Per 100,000 females. . . . . . .
1 2001–2009 contain actual reported data; no estimates or annual averages. It is noted that the estimations are considerably higher than actual reported values because estimations are performed against total U.S. population and not just female population.
Source: U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Reporting Program, Return A Master Files.
Table 313. Homicide Victims by Race and Sex: 1980 to 2007
[Excludes deaths to nonresidents of United States. Effective with data for 1999, causes of death are classified by The Tenth Revision International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10), replacing the Ninth Revision (ICD-9) used for 1979–98 data. In ICD-9, the category Homicide also includes death as a result of legal intervention. ICD-10 has two separate categories for these two causes of death. Some caution should be used in comparing data. See text, Section 2]
Homicide rate 2
1980. . . . . . . .
1985. . . . . . . .
1990. . . . . . . .
1995. . . . . . . .
1996. . . . . . . .
1997. . . . . . . .
1998. . . . . . . .
1999. . . . . . . .
2000. . . . . . . .
2001. . . . . . . .
2002. . . . . . . .
2003. . . . . . . .
2004. . . . . . . .
2005. . . . . . . .
2006. . . . . . . .
2007. . . . . . . .
1 Includes races not shown separately. 2 Rates per 100,000 resident population in specified group. Based on enumeratedpopulation figures as of April 1 for 1980, 1990, and 2000; estimated resident population as of July 1 for other years.
Source: U.S. National Center for Health Statistics, Deaths: Final Data for 2007, Vol. 58, No.19, May 2010, and earlier reports. See <http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/products/nvsr.htm>.
What Women Really Think
By Amanda Marcotte |
Posted Tuesday, Jan. 8, 2013, at 10:13 AM ET
Yesterday, under the headline, “The saddest graph you’ll see today,” Dylan Matthews at the Washington Post published this infographic created by the Enliven Project to put the legal issues around rape, its prosecutions, and concerns about false accusations into perspective. The graphic quickly made the rounds on Twitter and Facebook, but unfortunately, while well-intentioned, it is also misleading in significant ways that can be used to undercut its basic message, which is sound: that false rape accusations are rare.
The persistent myth that false accusations are common makes it incredibly difficult for victims to get justice—the overwhelming threat of being accused of making it all up to cover up for one’s slutty ways (see recently: Steubenville, Notre Dame, Cleveland) is enough to make women simply not report. Those who do report run a very high chance of never seeing a conviction, some because police drop the case on the slut-and-liar grounds and some because juries buy the defense attorney’s claim that the victim bizarrely preferred being publicly accused of being a slut and liar to quietly forgetting about a night of forced sex.
Sadly, the graphic meant to set the record straight on false accusations only confuses matters. Three major problems jump out:
The graphic assumes one-rape-per-rapist. Looking at the above picture, one might start to get the impression that every other man you meet is a rapist. Nearly one in five women have been raped, according to the latest substantive government numbers, and infographics like this might make people conclude therefore that one in five men is a rapist. In reality, a much smaller (though still troubling) number—an estimated 6 percent of men—are rapists. Your average rapist stacks up six victims. That’s hard to capture in an infographic, but could be clearer by just labeling the little dudes “rapes” instead of “rapists.” After all, the fact that most rapists are repeat offenders drives home how troubling it is that victims can’t find justice. If more rapists saw a jail cell the first time they raped someone, the number of victims would decline dramatically.
The graphic overestimates the number of unreported rapes. It’s hard to measure how many rapes go unreported, because, duh, unreported. Making it even harder to get an accurate count, a lot of rape victims don’t identify as rape victims, because it’s so stigmatized. Still, improved public education has made it easier for rape victims to report. RAINN (the Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network), using government numbers, estimates that 54 percent of rapes go unreported. Tweaking the infographic to reflect this more conservative number wouldn’t make the image less convincing, but it would make it more accurate.
The graphic overestimates the number of false accusations. This infographic is intended to drive home how rare false accusations are, and yet, because of a simple error, it overestimates how many actually occur. The problem is that the Enliven Project conflates “false reports,” which only require the claim that a crime has happened, with “false accusations,” which require fingering a supposed perpetrator. This might seem like a small thing, but this report from the National Center for the Prosecution of Violence Against Women, which focuses in part on teaching law enforcement to understand and root out false reports of rape, is very careful to warn against conflating the two. In its list of potential indicators of a false report, the Center specifically singles out the lack of a named perpetrator as something to look out for:
To summarize material developed by McDowell and Hibler (1987), realistic indicators of a false report could potentially include:
• A perpetrator who is either a stranger or a vaguely described acquaintance who is not identified by name. As previously discussed, most sexual assault perpetrators are actually known to their victims. Identifying the suspect is therefore not typically a problem. However, victims who fabricate a sexual assault report may not want anyone to actually be arrested for the fictional crime. Therefore, they may say that they were sexually assaulted by a stranger or an acquaintance who is only vaguely described and not identified by name.
Emphasis mine. According to the document, 2-8 percent of reported rapes are false, but the number that are false accusations is smaller. Women who make false reports want sympathy, and as victims of real rapes can tell you, accusing a real man usually gets you very little.
As I said above, the Enliven Project has the best intentions and they’re on the right path. It is true that most rapes go unreported, that the public believes false accusations are exponentially more common than they actually are, and that a man’s chances of being falsely accused of rape are incredibly small. All these things are important to convey, and an infographic is a great way to do it. Just fix the graphic, and the public will learn a lot.
“According to United States Department of Justice document Criminal Victimization in the United States, there were overall 191,670 victims of rape or sexual assault reported in 2005. The U.S. Department of Justice compiles statistics on crime by race, but only between and among people categorized as black or white….Rape prevalence among women in the U.S. (the percentage of women who experienced rape at least once in their lifetime so far) is in the range of 15%–20%, with different studies agreeing with each other. (National Violence against Women survey, 1995, found 17.6% prevalence rate; a 2007 national study for the Department of Justice on rape found 18% prevalence rate….According to a statistical average over the past 5 years, about 10% of all rapes or sexual assaults in the United States are never reported to the authorities. For college students, the figure is 5%, noted in the Fisher, Cullen and Turner study cited above.
Despite a decline of 60% since 1993, the US still has a relatively high rate of rape when compared to other developed countries.
As well as the large number of rapes that go unreported, only 25% of reported rapes result in arrest. Many rape kits are not tested.
Any rape is a bad news but making up numbers is not wise.
…and I am Sid Harth@elcidharth.com
2. Apparently many men (see this entire thread) have trouble admitting that issues which directly affect women more than themselves are somehow not valid on the whole.
2 people falsely accused
10 jailed rapists
30 trials against rapists
100 reported rapists
1000 total rapistsMarcotte’s argument is that the numbers should be closer to:
<1 person falsely accused
2 false reports (this number may be up to 8)
10 rapes that result in convictions
30 rapes that go to trial (including those that result in convictions)
100 reports of rape (including those that go to trial)
500* total incidents of rape (including the 100 that got reported)The difference that seems to be causing the most confusion: Marcotte points out that false reports are 2% (to 8%) of reports of rape but those false reports rarely attach someone’s name to the false report. Therefore, false accusations are much lower than 2% – 8%. Therefore, if the stickfigures in the graphic represent falsely accused rapists there should be only 1 (or less than 1) of them.*-I don’t know if this last number should be 500, 200, 800, or what, only that Marcotte argues that 9 unreported rape for every 1 reported rape is likely too high a figure.
That we have identified false accusations with DNA exoneration creates the inescapable conclusion that there are cases without good DNA evidence to prove or disprove the accusation. (This point ignores the further issue of consent).
And on the other hand, acquittal of the rape charge does not mean that the accusation was “false” – it may or may not have been – rather what it means is that there wasn’t enough evidence to convince 12 men and women to put someone in jail for a long time.
So her logic about the false accusations is faulty. The best we can say is “we really don’t know….”
(2) solid evidence of consent or not, in all cases.
And we have very far from that.
Finally, wouldn’t you think it more likely that a false report would be made more easily than a false accusation?
The number of false accusations is indeed smaller. We just can’t say by how much, but she attempts to. that’s all.
Think about it.
Just because you don’t want to believe that there aren’t any men in jail who did not commit the rape they were accused of does not make it untrue. He’s talking about people like you who seem to bridle at the mere suggestion that maybe there are people who were deliberately falsely accused, and those who were accidentally falsely accused.
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